¿Existe fascismo en España?
A raíz de las right-wing party wins in several EU countries, there has been a debate in Spain focusing on the dangers posed by the resurgence of fascism in Europe through games like Heider in Austria (who has praised the Nazi regime) The Fini in Italy (which has condemned the Italian fascist regime) and that of Le Pen (who also condemned the collaborationist Vichy regime), among others.
In an attempt to reassure the supposedly democratic consciousness in our country, various media have noted with some pride, the absence of a fascist movement or party in Spain that has an important follow-up among our population. It missing from this statement that fascism exists in Spain and has high visibility. Let me explain. I write these lines from a hotel in Santa Cruz de Tenerife is located in the city's main avenue, called Rambla del General Franco. I know that there have been several attempts to change the name as a result of requests made by democratic forces attempts failed due to resistance to this change by Conservative local authorities, who argue that the Franco regime was not a fascist regime, a view widespread in Spain. It is important to note, however, that such distinction is made only in our country. In most democratic countries the 1936 military coup and dictatorship that set will be called fascists. Only two recent examples. The New York Times, in a recent review, introduced Mr. Fraga Iribarne as' minister of the fascist regime led by General Franco. " And when the largest television network in the USA (ABC) presented to Mr. Samaranch, introduced him as "a prominent figure in the Fascist regime of General Franco."
The same is true in most European countries, where it is called Hitlerism the German Nazi regime, nor mussolinismo the Italian fascist regime, or English fascist Franco regime. Moreover, the United Nations defined in day the regime established by the fascist Franco in Spain.
In Spain, however, there has been a successful project by the English conservative forces to redefine that regime, and although some of these forces are prepared to acknowledge that such fascist regime itself was initially added, however, that orientation was varied and not anymore later, showing as proof of his argument, the gradual loss of influence of the fascist party, the Falange. This assertion ignores several key facts. One is that the Falange was replaced by the National Movement, which incorporated many components of the Falange, from language to the symbols of the fascist movement. In fact, well into the decade of the seventies, the entrances to all English towns were marked by the fascist symbol and state officials (from carriers to professors) had to sign loyalty to the National Movement (requirement that Some of us refuse, forcing us to live in exile for many years). Such a regime was not only authoritarian but also highly totalitarian, that is, tried to affect a totalizing ideology (which included an exacerbated nationalism proud of its imperialist past and an anti-liberalism, racism, antilaicisismo, anti-leftist and religious fundamentalism which featured a leader endowed with superhuman abilities, appointed by God) to all dimensions of human beings, from sexuality to language and identity, such as a document in my article 'Franco and Fascism', in Keys, 115. Moreover, because of the power of the English Church in the English State (whose bishops were appointed by the dictator, whose priests were paid by the state), it was, ideologically, highly intrusive (even more so what was the State of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy) and tried to set the values of society. Needless to say that this regime was losing its ideological intensity, but included key elements of its ideology till his last day. Interestingly, the same voices who question the fascist nature of the regime led by General Franco (while recognizing that if it were the beginning of its existence) do not hesitate to call existing communist regime in the Soviet Union from its inception to its collapse even when the ideological distance between Stalin and Gorbachev is much greater than that between the Franco 1939 and 1975. In fact, the supposed ideological vacuum of English dictatorship was based, as also occurred in the Soviet Union in networks of interpersonal and institutional complicity motivated by mere survival in power. And in both cases, the nomenclature that held that state came to occupy key locations in the economic structure and policy regime thereafter. This ideological shell was supported by a brutal repression that continued until the last day of that regime (for each political assassination that made the Italian fascist regime, the English fascist state during the period 1939-1975 made 10,000). This explains why the vast majority of democratic governments and parliaments in Europe have condemned that regime with Nazi and Fascist Italy. Even today we see, for example, that the European right like Chirac want the support of the far right as Le Pen. Not so in Spain, where the ruling party and its conservative allies have condemned English English fascist regime (the most fascist symbols displayed on the territories ruled by those political parties), and that as a result of their desire not to antagonize important sectors fascists (Franco) who will vote and represent a significant percentage of their votes. No such parties accuse conservatives of being fascists, but lack sensitivity for not condemning democratic fascism (Franco), which remains visible and alive in many parts of Spain. Moreover, this refusal to condemn fascism la enormous violencia terrorista llevada a cabo por aquel Estado hare perder poder moral a su condena de otros partidos que estan rest stroke la violencia y el terror
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